Writing assignments

Source: Colby, J. M. 2006. “Banana growing and negro management”: Race, Labor, and Jim Crow Colonialism in Guatemala, 1884-1930. Diplomatic History 30(4), 595-621

Looking at the Export Boom as Modernity in Latin America, Dawson argues that the notion of order, then progress is “critical to the story of the late nineteenth century” as Latin America’s elites believed their nations wouldn’t modernize without first establishing order. (2014:115). In the region, many countries relied on North American investors to stabilize the production of railroads which were seen as the key to modern progress. Colby’s article “Banana Growing and Negro Management”: Race, Labor, and Jim Crow Colonialism in Guatemala, 1884–1930  explores how U.S. culture of white supremacy played a central role in shaping labor control and race relations on Guatemala’s north coast (599). To me, it shines the light on the ideas of ‘order, then progress’ in regards to the institutionalization of racism in Guatemala’s main export plantations and the construction of the Northern Railroad.

From 1870-1930 Guatemala’s principal exports were coffee and bananas (Dawson, 2014:118). After the creation of synthetic dyes, “modernizers identified coffee exports as the engine of national progress, and they called on the government to force the highland Maya into laboring on coffee plantations” when liberal coffee planter Justo Rufino Barrios “passed taxes and labor laws designed to force Mayan Indians into agricultural labor and trap them in a debt peonage” (Colby, 2006:601-602). Colby explains how racial conceptions of ‘Indian” and ‘non-Indian’ or ‘Ladino’ served economic purposes, as Ladinos held occupations such as labor recruiters, and police or military officers. Theses jobs held control and order over Mayan workers for the production of coffee exportation. This idea of order among the Maya was purely racial. Guatemalan elites in the 1800’s saw them selves as “cursed” by Guatemala’s Mayan majority because the Maya were ““strongly addicted to their own habits, ways and customs.” Only through white immigration and the leadership of a light-skinned elite, such men argued, could the nation overcome its backward Indian majority” (Colby, 2006:600).

Similarly, racism was also utilized in the production of the Northern Railroad. As railroads were seen as the key to progress among Latin American elites. In 1882 Barrios made deals with U.S. contractors for the construction of the Northern Railroad which would connect coffee and banana plantations for exportation and railroad rely heavily on black American labor (Colby, 603). Although workers were out of the U.S., the Jim Crow practices of the southern states were transplanted to the Northern Coast of Guatemala (Colby 2006:606). Violence against African Americans pushed them to flee to Guatemala’s interior, but by 1903 Guatemalan judges applied vagrancy laws to bring African Americans back to work (Colby 2006:604). Sadly, although U.S. diplomats generally protested anti-black violence, responses were usually “couched in racial terms” and was done mostly to maintain respect of American citizenship (Colby 2006: 604). Since the United States shared racial conceptions of African descendant peoples, defense of victims merely strengthened U.S. imperialism as well as racist ideologies and indirectly justified Guatemalan laws which enabled the coercion of Maya and people of African descendent to work on plantations and railroads.

            Colby’s article gives a lot of attention to the United Fruit Company, as an empire in itself, and its racist practices as an example of corporate colonialism in Guatemala. The article expresses a number of cases of blatant violence and racism against African American and British West Indian workers of the United Fruit Company and the Northern Railroad. The racial institutionalization in areas of export production suggest that it is the manifestation of the idea that Dawson puts forward of ‘order, then progress’ as ‘racial order, then progress’.

        Source:             Peard, Julyan. Race, Place, and Medicine”  The Idea of the Tropics in      Nineteenth-Century Brazil. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000.

Chapter three of this book talks about how race was considered in the examination of specific diseases that were common in Brazil in the later half of the 19^th Century, and how these ideas strategically shaped perceptions about “backwardness” and “modernization” in regards to politics, and the Brazilian economy. The studies were done by a group of doctors who called themselves the Tropicalistas. When this idea was first introduced to the medical public, ideas circulated and varied around the question of how “tropical medicine” would be defined. For example, “should tropical pathology be concerned with such… disorders that appeared to be largely exclusive to hot and humid climates? Or were all disorders of Brazil to be considered tropical in the sense of being universal but subject to peculiar exacerbating factors in the tropics?” (81). Regardless of the ever-changing definition of tropical medicine, the focus of disorders that occurred in this area allowed Brazil to use the “demystification of ‘tropical’ disorders” to fend off European ideas of Brazilian cultural, and biological inferiority (83-84).

Problems of race further developed with these studies by Europeans ideas, based on high mortality rates, that they were lacking a certain immunity that those who were born in the tropics did not. Because this immunity was not understood, it further led to European doctors believing that “whites ‘degenerated’ morally, and physically, in the Brazilian climate” because “blacks, as native to the tropics, were considered degenerate” (85). These beliefs were set by debates dealing with whether physical racial characteristics correlated with qualities of intellect, or social progress, and whether “crossbreeding” of races led to inevitable degeneration (85).

A shift began to occur after the end of the slave trade in 1850. Despite the economic reliance on slavery in the past, in 1870 voices began to condemn the institution, and the Tropicalistas were among them. Because slavery was now viewed as backwardness, Tropicalistas linked the cholera epidemic to the harsh conditions of slavery. Now the economic question arose of “how to ensure and efficient and orderly free-market force as the country moved toward the end of slavery” (89). Basically what happened was a social “whitening” which allowed “mullatoes” to change their race by assimilating to ““civilized” manners that the white upper-class Brazilians deemed appropriate” (91). This “whitening” of Brazil disproved the two ideas from North American and European racial science: “that racial hybridization must mean degeneration and regression, and that racial differences were only biologically determined and not malleable to social conditioning”. This gave Brazilian doctors the import role of creating an image of an “improved race” (92).

            The freeing of slaves and the “whitening” of a more “civilized” race integrated people from slavery into positions as prestigious as doctors, and therefore contributed to the economic development of Brazil. This helped allow the nation to transform from a “backward” society heavily reliant on slavery to a “modernized” society which held different views of miscegenation than other slave societies. It is interesting to see this way of modernization in contrast to countries such as Guatemala, which adopted Jim Crow practices from the United states to fuel their economy.

Speaking Truth to Power

The documents in this chapter were shocking, disturbing and inspiring. I think the title "speaking truth to power" is quite fitting in someways. technology has become the tool in more recent times to uncover truths, and witness blatant injustice. However, in this chapter, we also see how it can be used to cover up truth. Either way, technology plays an important role. as social beings, viewers experience various emotions when we watch a video, it is like experiencing a real moment, we are interacting with the speaker, or performer, or subjects of the film as we watch. In some cases we can be inspired, or even manipulated, by videos.  Photographs can be staged, or capture a brief moment in time which portrays human emotion in its rawest form. The internet and social media today are the fastest ways of spreading information. It allows us read, listen, and watch what is happening live, across the globe and it is easy to feel inspired by social movement activists. Videos go viral, and the more 'likes' or 'shares' we see can influence our perspective if we are not cautious of their effects. Before the internet, television acted in this way. Document 10.1 shows how Madres called out on a global level. viewers relate to the emotions, shown by their expressions, if not by their words. La Alegria ya viene and the flash mobs in Chile show groups of people coming together to share a common vision or purpose. The sight of large masses of people can be emotionally inspiring, and compelling. The most shocking of videos can bring rushes of sadness, fear, and anger. the fact that I am focusing on videos for this post is proof of their impact, as these are the documents which brought the most emotion for me (compared to the written ones). Having said that these documents only brought a sliver of awareness compared to emotions that would come from being directly involved in or affected by these movements. Reading this chapter I wonder to myself where the separation from humanity happens when one comes into power. In general, why do some leaders lose touch of basic human rights and values, while some leaders thrive because of their dedication to it? Is it the overwhelming effect of emotions, like the ones we get from these documents, that play a role in this inhumane separation? or are these acts of violence part of human nature? These are philosophical questions which are perhaps a bit off topic. A more tangible question might be, do these documents help in creating peace or do they promote a more 'us' vs. 'them' mentality? 

Chapter nine: The Terror

This weeks readings focused on 'terror' in Peru, and its effects on the "peasants" in the highlands. Document 9.1 Vargas Llosa states that "the peasants are coerced by those who think they are the masters of history and absolute truth. the fact is that the struggle between the guerrillas and the armed forces is really a settling of accounts between privileged sectors of society, and the peasant masses are used cynically and brutally by those who say they want to 'liberate' them". To me, this is a useful way of understanding what was happening in Peru in the 1980's. Dawson points out that university students in Ayacucho "idealized the image of the disciplined, communal, and revolutionary peasant. They imagined that they would lead this peasant in a revolution that would…destroy the capitalist state". Because "few of the movement's actual militants were peasants", and most were former university students, seems to hint that the "privileged" students were the ones who were most passionate about the movement while peasants sympathizers saw Sendero as and "opportunity to form a strategic alliance". Fujimori on the other hand "cast himself as a representative of Peru's poor and disenfranchised indigenous masses…in search of votes. Having said this i also agree with Dawson that Vargas Llosa had a superficial view of peasant and indigenous cultures. Vargas Llosa seems to emphasize a ritualistic characteristic of the Iquichanos. Such assumptions, as Dawson puts it, render them as "fundamentally primitive and unaware".  I do not suggest that the indigenous peoples did not have agency in the movement. First of all i am in no position to make claim either way as i still struggle to understand what exactly was happening. It seems plausible however, that the 'peasants' became tied into a movement which was not initiated by them. It would make sense that those who supported either side did what they needed to do to survive in an area immersed in brutality and violence. My heart fell heavy as i read document 9.4. It reminds me that at violence is violence, no matter what side you are on. and in my opinion it should never be justified. dominance and mistreatment over others angers me, naturally, but to celebrate violence as  Chairman Gonzalo does in document 9.2, is to celebrate document 9.4 all the same. 

Commerce, Coercion, and America's Empire

This weeks reading was very interesting to me. It is clear to me that learning about the market in commodities, like bananas, can shape outsiders' views about places of exportation/expropriation is important. To me, it really sheds light on how certain stereotypes were formed for political reasons. Cartoons establish/enforce stereotypes which allow empires of the global north to appear benevolent in their involvement in places such as Latin America and mask their hegemony to the public. In document 6.4 "From the Noble Savage to the Third World", Dorfman critically analyses cartoons to reveal their political role in hegemony in "third world" countries. Among many examples, Dorfman concludes that by stereotyping the people of developing nations as the "noble savage" excludes them from the use of their domestic resources because "noble savages" are "forbidden to become civilized" and "because [they do] not even understand that these objects have been produced" and/or they are "of no use" to them. The discourse evident in these cartoons reminded me of Columbus' Journal, when he described trading with the 'indians' bits of cotton or gold for pieces of broken plates. I wonder if this is where these stereotypes began? -this way of representing a society that one hopes to obtain dominance over. Essentially this is still colonialism that is taking place, whether Latin America has gained independence from Spain or not. In the early 20th century, in Guatemala, these tactics of domination happened on an international level (US-Latin American relations with UFCO) and on a national level (elites-indigenous relations) as well, at the beginning of coffee exportation in the 1870s. During this time, advertisements in Latin America strategically blended US ideals and Latin American familiarities to build consumerism. In the US, advertisements promoted consumerism of Latin American products by creating appealing imaginaries of a cultural 'other', while at the same time sending stereotypical/political messages to desensitize the public from injustices, and give reason for their political actions in Latin America. 

I would like to write about the third document in this weeks reading, which is an excerpt from La raza cosmica by Jose Vasconcelos in 1925. This document was about three stages of social progress: The first being of material and war, the second of intellect and politics, and the third of spirituality and aesthetics.    He argues that societies naturally flow through this step by step progression to a society of fantasy and feeling. He claims that his society at the time is on the cusp of the third stage. To my understanding, he argues that the reasoning for a society  to be stuck in the lower stages is due to arranged marriages where people have no choice but to stay in a relationship with someone they do not love, for political reasons. In the second stage, people put too much trust in intellect and in turn limit the nation and individuals' actions.  he suggests that this lack of freedom for "taste" is what breeds ugliness in people, and that ugliness causes inferiority rather than race. So, if people are given the freedom of choice in their partners, other's wouldn't be offended by inter-racial marriage since eventually, do to an evolution of selection, they would both be beautiful people (like a goddess and god) and it wouldn't matter to them. I couldn't help but ask myself "am i reading this correctly?"(please correct me if i am not!). Vasconcelos first disagrees with eugenics saying that they are 'based on incomplete and false data", but his own theory seems just as superficial. I will acknowledge that perhaps he is not speaking of physical beauty but of love, which emanates beauty. According the the textbook like Dario, Vasconcelos was addressing the United States in particular, accusing their racist norms belonging to a lower social stage, and compares Latin America's more accepting attitude towards racial mixing to be a trait which will send them into the next social stage. Also, like in Dario's poem ' To Roosevelt', Vasconcelos speaks of a godliness which they possess that is unreachable to the US. To me, this document expresses his pride of his nation, and a certainty for success.

A Representation of Porfirio Diaz

This weeks reading was an article written in 1908 by James Creelman titles “Porfirio Díaz, Hero of the Americas”. The article is an attempt to create a benevolent image if Diaz in his last year of presidency. Although Diaz was seen by many as an authoritarian leader, the article tries to let Diaz justify his strict policies of capital punishment and rights to vote. the President acknowledges that they "were harsh to the point of cruelty. But it was all necessary then to the life and progress of the nation". Aside from flattering descriptions of the President's appearance, the article is laced with a number of contradictions. One is in regards to his reasoning for the restrictions put on priests. Diaz claims to be a believer in democracy however restricted priests not only from wearing "distinctive dress" in public but also, he "allowed no priest to vote". His reason being, was so that "the humblest Mexican shall be so far freed from the past that he can stand upright and unafraid in the presence of any human being". However, a typical photo of Diaz is usually in distinctive military dress, which does not free people of the past and it comes across as intimidating. Not to mention the descriptions of Diaz in this article seem to create him into some sort of super-human, or at least someone to be admired and seen as 'above' the rest. I think that the article can be convincing at times, however only if one is not aware of, or forgets Diaz's history of authoritarian leadership. I wonder, what was the author's intention in writing this article? was it to give the President a 'final word' before his retirement? what was the point in describing him in such a 'romantic' way? was this simply the trending style of writer's at the time to gain interest from the reader? I do not know a lot about the history of Porfirio Diaz, and honestly never heard the name before this week. Perhaps there are other's that might say this article had political intentions, however, i cannot say that because i do not know enough. It does seem that the author is intentionally portraying Diaz in a way that seems very suggestive. There seems to be a lot of focus on the economic growth of Mexico during the time Diaz was in power. However, to me, this does not seem to paint the whole picture of a countries success, happiness, and freedom. What is the reasoning for this focus? Is it because there was such an economic boom in Latin America at the time that liberalism and the growing market was their evaluation of success?

 

  

"Citizenship and Rights in the New Republics"

  There were three documents that stood out the most for me in this weeks reading. Those documents are 3.1 "The Fetishist Animism of the Bahian Blacks" by Raimundo Nina Rodrigues, 3.4 "Brushstrokes" by Maria Eugenia Echenique, and 3.5 "Women: Dedicated to Miss Maria Eugenia Echenique" by Judith [Josefina Pelliza de Sagasta].  Document 3.1, to my understanding,  is a discussion of the evolution of fetishism and the evidence of its prevalence in Bahia, despite the claim of Christianity of the Black population. Nina Rodrigues states a position of "upmost neutrality and impartiality" however also describes the Bahian Blacks and mulattos as "inferior races". I wonder if Nina Rodrigues recognized his own hypocrisy which today seems so foolish. Such hypocrisy is evident later in his ideas that the violence placed on slaves to rid them of fetishism was due to slave owners' fears that the salves might have a will of their own. To me, this is exactly what this document is trying to do. Although it acknowledges a prevalence of fetishism, I think that it uses this finding as a tool to other and reinforce a primitive, non-human ( or at least non-christian) understanding of the Bahian Blacks in order to disempower them and give reason for any denial of citizen rights. 

  Document 3.4 by Maria Eugenia Echenique and document 3.5, which is a response to 3.4,  were in regards to women's rights in society. 3.4 surprised me, in a good way, because this is the earliest document i have read that calls for the equality of women and men. The issues Echenique discusses are still issues women fight for today around the world. However, i was surprised (mostly) that the response to Echenique's piece was written by a woman. My first reaction was that -if i read such a response to a call for the equality of women in today's Canadian context, i would think of it as 'unwomanly' however i realize that our society is quite different (but not opposite), thanks to the feminist movements which have taken place since the early 20th century up until now. My reaction was probably the reaction of Judith, in her context, which led her to such a disheartening response. Having said all of that, i would like to share something i came across in a magazine about 20 minutes after reading these two documents. It was an add for a kitchen knife -one of the big ones you need to cut the big veggies with. All the add was, was a close up of a woman's profile and the knife, sort of 'swung' over her shoulder as if it were a rifle or some other gun ( i don't know guns), and the look on the woman's face (as though looking far into the distance) expressed, bravery, empowerment, and ambition. When i saw this i laughed because to me is was saying exactly what Judith was saying -Women are free to be educated and empowered, but her power is to remain confined to the home. This is what made me rethink my first reaction to the response. Perhaps no one is saying it out loud but women are still being shown their 'place' in society, and there are still other women that would defend this position.

  I think that the all of these articles must have influenced society as much as they were  a result of it. I see an underlying theme of Christianity in all three articles which explains their reasoning and where they drew their 'facts' of what society should look like. It is evident that Christianity still held a lot of power. The first and last document are written from an essentialist point of view, that there is something about the essence of Blacks and women which make them different from whites and males. The whole discussion is still influenced by colonialism and that first question posed by Father Montesinos: "Are these not men?".